The OMP has failed to fulfil its mandate under the law. It now exists to appease and distract the international community. Moreover, it is weaponised against relatives of the disappeared.

In post-war Sri Lanka, truth seeking is wrongly assumed to be easier than judicial prosecutions. Indeed, truth is not just a second-best option to justice but an equally radical demand.

The failure of the domestic truth-seeking mechanism is driving family members, most of whom are women, to demand an international mechanism, primarily through the UN Human Rights Council.

As caregivers and educators, they shape values and foster tolerance, lessening susceptibility of youth to radical influences. They are well positioned to detect early signs of radicalisation. The evidence of their impact is further seen in their activism and leadership roles, where their informal women’s networks and engagements with local leaders can help raise awareness about extremism.

Societal norms, rooted in the belief that women’s primary role is in the home, restrict their participation in public decision-making. This also limits their access to leadership positions crucial for peacebuilding efforts. Violence against women directly undermines their ability to contribute effectively to the creation of peaceful and inclusive societies. Political factors, including restrictive laws, further diminish the effectiveness of women’s roles in conflict resolution and social cohesion.

The research identifies several key CSOs including Arab Women’s Organization, Women’s Program Centres, Jordanian National Commission for Women, Peacegeeks, WANA, Generation for Peace, and Institute of Politics and Society, all of which have mobilised women against extremism. However, women report that some communities exhibit resistance to PVE measures due to cultural perceptions and security apprehensions.

Problems of inclusion affect Syrian refugee women in particular. Despite this challenge, significant progress has been made in the JONAP in education initiatives against extremism and media campaigns to promote diversity and tolerance.

This iteration is guided by principles of comprehensive security, diversity, transparency, accountability, decentralisation, and alignment with human rights obligations. Noteworthy is its focus on the intersections of gender, climate change, and security, reflecting the evolving landscape of security concerns.

While laws passed by the new BARMM government have addressed gender equality issues, they have often done so in ways that indicate less than enthusiastic backing by the ruling group. For instance, while the Bangsamoro electoral code passed in 2023 included a gender quota of 30% of regional parties’ candidates for Party List (Proportional Representation) seats, there is no requirement that women be in winnable positions on party lists, and no required minimum number of women candidates for District seats.

The communities in the island provinces of Sulu, Tawi Tawi, and Basilan, as well as the city of Marawi, which was the site of a five-month armed conflict with ISIS-linked violent extremists in 2017, are in dire need of employment, education and healthcare. For example, in Marawi many women remain in s temporary shelters where they are forced to beg for survival. Basic needs are not being met.

Many of the women associated with the rebel forces report facing discrimination when it comes to accessing their compensation. If they are in a relationship with another former combatant, the compensation is often given to the man only. Moreover, livelihood programmes tend to leave women economically dependent rather than empowered. A cassava-planting programme, for instance, provides training and support to male farmers only.

Commissioners and local officials visit for key events, such as international celebrations to raise awareness of violence against women, but beyond this, women’s engagement in policy development remains limited.

Disagreement between national and BARMM leaders over the Philippines law introducing criminal penalties for enabling child marriages may highlight future gender-based tensions with regard to regional autonomy. The law, which came into effect in late 2022, was forcefully opposed by key BARMM leaders, including women politicians associated with the ruling MILF, on the grounds that, as part of regional autonomy, the BARMM must be free to set its own standards – such as the age of marriage – when it comes to personal law. There is concern that other gender issues may be flashpoints for disagreement.

• Disappearance cases must be investigated. To demonstrate its commitment to transitional justice in Sri Lanka, the government must ensure that the OMP fulfils its mandate under the law and begins investigating disappearances cases.

• The international community needs to put pressure on Sri Lanka through bi-lateral and multi-lateral forums to implement the mandate of the OMP. The Sri Lanka situation should be kept on the agenda of the UN Human Rights Council. International partners should also consider travel bans on named military officers and politicians, and open files based on evidence collected by the OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project so that cases involving universal jurisdiction can proceed.

• Local and regional organisations should focus on capacity building, community engagement, addressing gender-based violence (GBV), and promoting economic empowerment. Engaging women at the grassroots level and supporting community-led initiatives that promote dialogue and social cohesion is crucial for fostering inclusive community development.

• International organisations should prioritise support for local women’s organisations and NGOs that focus on women’s empowerment, prevention of violent extremism (PVE), and peacebuilding. These organisations can facilitate networking and collaboration opportunities to share best practices, enhancing their contributions to stability, peaceful coexistence, and peacebuilding efforts.

• Targeted opportunities for grassroots gender- equality and women’s rights advocates should be expanded. Two important codes remain to be passed by the interim parliament before the first elections are held in 2025: the Indigenous Peoples (IP) Code, and the Gender and Development (GAD) Both require close attention – the IP code in terms of IP women’s representation, and the GAD Code across a range of issues, including the role of the BWC in responding to complaints, engaging on policymaking, and enforcing the 5% spending quota for women. The BWC should also strengthen its presence in and links with the region’s island provinces.

• Women combatants’ voices, needs, and concerns must be addressed in an equal and inclusive manner. Despite the many new codes that have been passed by the new BARMM parliament and new development programmes for the region, these often do not trickle down to marginalised communities, such as female ex-combatants. Women should be engaged in the implementation of these measures to ensure they genuinely benefit communities. In addition, initiatives and programmes to promote women’s economic independence need to be implemented to ensure gainful sources of employment and skills training.

• The BARMM Electoral Code must be widely disseminated to ensure the meaningful participation of women in the elections. Five provisions in particular should be enforced: 30% of party nomination lists should be women; women should be in party leadership; party platforms should have a women’s agenda; political parties should have a women and youth committee; and 50% of Tribal Assembly Conventions should be women, with Indigenous People’s sectoral representatives being 1 man and 1 woman.