Drawing on men as a tactic to mobilise support for pieces of legislation that seek to challenge gender inequalities is increasingly gaining prominence in legislative processes in Uganda and beyond (Tamale, 1999; Powley & Pearson, 2007; Carlson & Randell, 2013; Palmieri, 2013; Wang, 2013; Ahikire & Mwiine, 2015). Tamale (1999), for instance, credits using men to ‘champion’ legislation that challenges gender inequalities as a kind of pragmatism, that is a necessary compromise in any negotiations between unequal parties. Similarly, Wang (2013) identifies as critical, the role of male allies of female parliamentary caucus in the passing of pro-women legislation in the 8 th Parliament (2006-2011). A wide range of scholars (Meer, 2011; Palmieri, 2013; Koffman & Gill ,2014; Cornwall & Rivas, 2015) alert us to an emerging global trend in which development actors (such as World Bank, IMF and other multilateral agencies) insist that gender equality programmes and initiatives must involve the participation of men, to the extent of calling for men and boys to empower women and girls.

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